Javanese-English Dictionary, Horne, 1974, #1968

YALE LINGUISTIC SERIES

JAVANESE - ENGLISH DICTIONARY

Elinor Clark Horne
NEW HAVEN AND LONDON, YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS, 1974

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Copyright © 1974 by Yale University.
Copyright is claimed until 1984. Thereafter all portions of this work covered by this copyright will be in the public domain.

All right reserved. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, in any form (except by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publishers.

Library of Congress catalog card number: 73-86900. International standard book number: 0-300-01689-1

Printed in the United States of America by The Murray Printing Company, Forge Village, Massachusetts. Published in Great Britain, Europe, and Africa by Yale University Press, Ltd., London.

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This work was developed under a contract with the U.S. Office of Education, Departement of Health, Education, and Welfare. However, the content does not necessarily reflect the position or policy of that Agency, and no official endorsement of these materials should be inferred.

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CONTENTS

Acknowledgments ... vii

Introduction ... ix

1. Background ... ix

1. Purposes and Scope of the Dictionary, ix; 2. Methods, x

2. Phonology and Spelling ... x

1. Alphabetization, x; 2. Spelling and Pronunciation, xi; 3. Light and Heavy Consonants, xii; 4. Optional Sound, xii; 5. Pronunciation-Showing Diacritics, xii; 5.1. Pronunciation of Final K, xiii; 5.2. Pronunciation Variations for I, U, xiii; 5.3. Pronunciation Changes for A, xiii; 6. Spellings in Borrowed Words, xiv; 7. Initial Clusters, xiv; 8. Syllables, xiv; 9. Variations in Spelling and in Pronunciation: Formality and Informality, xiv; 9.1. Heavy vs. Light Consonants, xv; 9.2. A vs E, xvi; 9.3. Initial Cluster vs Initial Split Cluster, xvi; 9.4. Initial (W)l- and (W)r-, xvi; 9.5. Addition of Vowel to Monosyllabic Root, xvii; 9.6. Variation between -ER- and -RE-, xvii; 9.7. Intervocalic J and W (or H), xvii; 9.8. O vs A, xviii; 9.9. Doubled Consonants, xviii; 9.10. K for Glottal Stop, xviii; 9.11. Th and Dh, xviii; 9.12. Optional Initial H, xviii; 9.13. OE, xviii; 9.14. Diacritics, xviii; 10. Conclusion, xix.

3. Summary of Javanese Morphology ... xix

1. Morphological Processes, xix; 1.1 Doubled Roots, xix; 1.2. Vowel-Change Doubled Roots, xxi; 1.3. Reduplicated Roots (Pseudo-Prefixation, Pseudo-Circumfixation), xxi; 1.4. Prefixation, xxi; 1.4.1. Prefixes Not Entering into Circumfixation, xxi; 1.5. Remaining Prefixes, xxii; 1.5.1. Prefixes Which Occur Alone of Form Circumfixes with Suffix -an, xxii, 1.5.2. with Suffixes -an and -ên, xxii, 1.5.3. with Suffix -é, xxii; 1.5.4. Prefixes Which Occur Alone or Form Causative and Locative Circumfixes: the Active and Passive Prefixes, xxii, Chart, xxiv; 1.6. Suffixation, xxv; 1.6.1. Root Changes before Suffixes, xxv; 1.6.2. Root Changes with Suffix -an, xxvi; 1.7. Infixation, xxvi; 1.8. Adjective Intensification, xxvii.

4. The Dictionary Entries ... xxvii

1. Organization of the Entries, xxvii; 2. The Symbol [x], xxviii; 3. Active-Passive Subentries, xxix; 4. Implied Non-Ngoko Subentry Forms, xxix; 5. Causative and Locative Subentries, xxix; 6. Phrases, xxx; 7. Cross-References, xxx; 8. Examples, xxx; 9. Glossings and Translations, xxx.

5. Social Styles ... xxxi

1. Social Implications, xxxi; 2. Basic Categories, xxxi; 3. High Krama and Humble Krama, xxxii; 4. Usage, xxxii; 5. Subdivisions of the Three Basic Categories, xxxii; 6. Irregularities of Correspondence, xxxiii; 7. Shifting Usage, xxxiii.

6. Degree Words ... xxxiii

7. Guide to Location of Variants ... xxxiv

Alphabetical Guide List to Initial Disguising Elements, xxxv; Alphabetical Guide List to Final Disguising Elements, xxxviii.

8. Symbols ... xxxix

9. Abbreviations ... xl

Javanese-English Dictionary ... 1

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[...]

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This project was begun at Yale University under the Department of East and South Asian Languages and Literatures and concluded at Harvard University, Department of Linguistics. The research was pursuant to a contract with the U.S. Office of Education, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Institute of International Studies, under the provisions of Title VI, Section 602, NDEA. I wish to express my gratitude to the language specialists at the Office of Education for their interest and support throughout the project; to the administering officials at Yale and at Harvard; and to Karl Teeter, Calvert Watkins, and Einar Haugen of Harvard for their interest and help.

My debt to the earlier Javanese lexicographers is very great. E. M. Uhlenbeck's comprehensive bibliographical essay and bibliography of Javanese studies (in his Critical Survey of Studies on the Languages of Java and Madura, 's-Gravenhage, 1964, pp. 42-107) surveys the history of Javanese lexicography (as well as studies in language and literature). Of most immediate help in the present project were Th. Pigeaud's Javanese-Dutch dictionary (Javaans-Nederlands Handwoordenboek, Groningen-Batavia, 1938) and W.J.S. Poerwadarminta's monolingual Javanese dictionary (Bausastra Djawa Groningen-Batavia, 1939).

The Javanese grammatical terminology appearing among the dictionary entries comes from the two Javanese grammars Poerwadarminta, Sarining Paramasastra Djawa (Jakarta, 1953), and Antunsuhono, Paramasastra Djawa, vols. I and II (Jogyakarta, 1956).

As world interest in Southeast Asia grows, publications concerning the area proliferate. The bibliographies published by the Association for Asian Studies, listing books, articles, and theses and dissertations, grow bulkier with each issue. Scholarly studies on aspects of Javanese culture-works of the stature of Clifford Geertz's The Religion of Java (Glencoe, Illinois, The Free Press, 1960) and James R. Brandon's On Thrones of Gold (Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harvard University Press, 1970) provide deep insights into Javanese ways of thinking and feeling, without which it is not really possible to convey meanings of Javanese words adequately. Jeffrey Crockett has compiled a 144-page list, Indonesia: Abbraviations and Acronyms Used in Indonesian Publications, copyrighted in 1969 (in mimeographed form; the title page states that copies may be obtained from the author, 3750 Northampton Street, N. W., Washington, D.C. 20015, $5.00 postpaid). The items of this voluminous list are not duplicated by the dictionary entries herein.

The present project, from its conception, was strongly encouraged by Isidore Dyen of Yale University. Professor Dyen expended a great deal of time and effort helping to obtain funding for the project. He arranged for the assistance of the first two Javanese informants, who enabled the work to proceed through the initial two years, and later made further efforts to find others. It was he who suggested using computer assistance and, along with Fred Damerau, he consulted with me at length about use of the computer for lexicographical purposes and suggested the methods that were followed in compiling materials. He was unfailingly gracious in making his time, his resources, and his erudition available to me. Without his help, this dictionary would never have come into existence.

Rufus Hendon of Yale University generously made available the Javanese publications he had brought back from Java. At that time, up to date materials were difficult to find in this country. Clifford and Hildred Geertz permitted the use of oral materials (transcribed) that they had gathered in Java in connection with Thematic Apperception Tests administered there; this help is gratefully acknowledged. The computer programs used for processing the Javanese materials were Sydney Lamb's UNICON, for making concordances; UNICOUNT, for making word lists and frequency counts; and DISCIN, for indexing. It was my good fortune that Professor Lamb came to Yale about the time I began to process my Javanese materials and was willing to give me his personal help during my initiation into the exciting, exacting, and exasperating world of the computer

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user. Thomas V. O'Neill of the Yale Computer Center, with his considerable expertise, rendered help far beyond the mere call of duty when help was needed, and with unfailing good humor. John Echols of Cornell University was a friend in need whenever called upon: always encouraging and always helpful. I am particularly grateful to him for bringing me together with Mimi and Pandam Guritno during the final portion of the work. To Susan Horne I express my appreciation for loyal service to the project far beyond the scope of her duties as staff assistant. David Horne of the University Press of New England has made his professional assistance and advice (along with his encouragement and patience) available at all times.

Many Javanese consultants have set their mark upon the definitions. Each offered his or her unique contribution, and it is a great pity that it was necessary to limit the work of each group to the duration of their tenure in the United States. Sumitro L.S.Danuredjo and his wife Koos got the work under way at Yale and stayed with it through its transfer to Harvard. Siswojo Hardjodipuro and his wife Irmani and Muljanto Sumardi and his wife Sutji contributed their help while they were at Columbia University Teachers College; later on, Muljanto read and commented upon the entire manuscript. Throughout, the dictionary profited from Muljanto's and Siswojo's observations as students of linguistics. Harsono Ronohadiwidjojo, of Yogyakarta, did much valuable work while a student at the Harvard Business School and later. Harijono Djojodihardjo, while he was a student at M.I.T., and Mochtar Buchori and his wife Manah, while at Harvard, worked on the dictionary for a period that was all too brief, as did Dadang Sukandar. Sentanoe Kertanegara and Sukanto Reksohadiprodjo, of Yogyakarta, put in many hours of thorough and conscientious work while students at the Harvard Business School and later, and, between them, gave the entire manuscript a scrupulous final reading. During the final year of preparing the dictionary entries, I had the privilege of working with Mimi Guritno and, for the last few months, with her husband Pandam Guritno, during their most recent teaching and lecturing visit to the United States. Between them they read the entire manuscript in its final form and, in many hours of consultation, contributed numerous valuable clarifications, recommendations, and new information. To each of these friend and colleagues I express my humble thanks for their devotion to the project and their special contribution to the dictionary.

Necessarily, I myself made all final judgments on the content of the dictionary entries, after obtaining all the data I could gather, and I accept full responsibility for errors, inconsistencies, and other shortcomings. The compiler of a dictionary has many specific decisions to make regarding the content and format of the material; having chosen one alternative, he must reject conflicting ones. When a reader's judgment differs from the compiler's, it may well be that neither is faulty. It is my wish and hope that readers will communicate their comments and suggestions on the material and/or its presentation; for this I thank them in advance. Panyaruwe saking para maos badhe katampi kalihan sênênging manah.

E.C.H.
Hanover, New Hampshire
May 1973

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INTRODUCTION

1. BACKGROUND

1.1. Purposes and Scope of the Dictionary.

This work is intended to be a general purpose dictionary of Javanese as it is now used by educated urban speakers from Central Java, the area of the standard language.

In Indonesia, these are transitional times. The birth dates of the Javanese who worked on the dictionary represent a span of less than a quarter of a century: the older among them, born during the long Dutch occupation, spent their early years under colonial rule and witnessed and participated in the struggle for independence, while the youngest were born into the atomic age and have known only the Java which is part of the Republic of Indonesia-a quite different environment. To speakers in the latter group, Javanese books published during the 1940's and even the early 1950's seem archaic in flavor and are peppered with words that are to them unfamiliar obsolescent.

The changes in Indonesia are reflected linguisticaly in the daily juxtaposition of Javanese and Indonesian. Educated urban speakers use Indonesian alongside of Javanese as required by the occasion-mainly, in all official situations, or in social situations where non-Javanese Indonesians are present, or even with other Javanese whom they do not know well and hesitate to address in the socially stratified lexicon of Javanese. Nearly half (around 47 percent) of Indonesia's estimated 125 million population is Javanese; each language exerts continual influence on the other, and each inevitably infiltrates the other. Indonesian words appear in Javanese published materials. Any foreigner using a Javanese dictionary these days will also need to keep an Indonesian dictionary handy.

My practice here has been, in general, to include only a few commonly used Indonesia words which have largely replaced the corresponding Javanese word (also listed) or for which there is no separate Javanese lexical item, or which the Javanese use with Javanese affixation rather than Indonesia (e.g.lengkap). Conversly, an occasional Javanese word is shown with Indonesian affixation alongside its Javanese affixation (e.g.pertimbangan among the other forms of the root timbang). Technological and academic terminology is Indonesian, borrowed from Western languages for the most part, and I make no effort to duplicate the work of Indonesian lexicographers in that area, though strictly speaking such words are also Javanese. Higher education became available to Indonesians in their own languages only after their nation became politically independent in 1945, and the terminology borrowed into Indonesian-the language of secondary and higher education-has also become a part of each separate Indonesian language.

I have not endeavored to include more than a sprinkling of technical terms from such highly specialized fields as wayang, batik making, and agriculture, nor esoteric and mystic terms used in astrological and chronogrammatic reckonings. English words whose meanings are obvious (e.g.hèlikoptêr) are also not included except in a few cases as examples of the Javanese tendency to assimilate new words into their morphological paterns (e.g.from propaganda, mropaganda or mropagandakake to propagandize; from aksi action, ngaksèkake to activate something). English speaking readers quickly become accustomed to such equations as Eng. -sion, -tion = Jav. -si (e.g.komposisi composition) or Eng. -tive = Jav. -tip, -tif (e.g. kreatip creative).

"Regional" vocabulary-defined as words spoken outside the Central Javanese area-is represented by only a few items which are considered to be generally well known in Central Java. Research into the Javanese dialects is urgently neede, and it is hoped that reports on such work will soon become available. Such large-scale investigation has obviously been beyond the scope of the present project.

I have not intentionally omitted commonly used meanings of the lexical items in the dictionary, and I will be grateful to readers who point out meanings that I have overlooked.

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1.2. Methods

Source materials for the dictionary consisted of two lists, representing the pre-Revolution and the post-Revolution lexicon. The first of these consisted of all entries contained in the two most recent Javanese dictionaries, those of Pigeaud and Poerwadarminta, published in 1938 and 1939 respectively. The second list came from a agroup of materials none of which came into existence earlier than the 1950's and the bulk of which originated during the 1960's. Consisting of (a) oral materials (monologues and dialogues) tape-recorded by Javanese speakers and (b) books and periodicals published in Java for the Javanese on a wide variety of subjects, these materials-totaling nearly a million words of running text-were processed by computer into concordances, and a master index to all of the concordances comprised the final list. At a rough estimate, the overlap of the two lists was perhaps around eighty-five percent.

Every word on both lists was examined by at least three Javanese speakers. Words no longer in common use-based on the evidence of the second (post-Revolution) list and the speakers' personal knowledge-were often dropped; and the second list and the live speakers have provided new words and new usages for old words. When differences of opinion arose, the word or meaning in question was generally accepted (after consultation with other speakers), since obviously one does not expect that every speaker will know every word and every meaning.

The audience one is addressing when compiling a dictionary of this sort is nebulous indeed in the view of the compiler. But my intention has been to include a broad enough lexical range to satisfy the needs of those requiring a non-specialized dictionary, and I have made the lexicon as up to date as I could manage.

2. PHONOLOGY AND SPELLING

2.1. Alphabetization

The Javanese material in this dictionary is spelled in the conventional Roman orthography.[1] The following alphabetical order is observed for the listing of citations:

a b c d/dh e/è/ê f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t/th u v w x y z

Entries are alphabetized without regard to marks or blank spaces intervening between letters within a citation: the circumfix k(a)...(ê)n, for example, falls between kaèk and kafir. Digraphs and trigraphs are alphabetized according to their individual letters, without regard to their status as unit phonemes (2.2. below): for example, tj follows ti, initially or medially. Hyphenated entries and two word entries are treated as single words. Diacritical marks (accents and subdots) are also disregarded except where citations are otherwise identical, and in such cases the order is as shown above. For example:

adêg precedes adhèg
entar precedes ênthar
gèdhèg precedes gêdhèg precedes gêdhêg
pèthèk precedes pêtèk precedes pêtêk precedes pêthèk
têng precedes thèng
tjèprèt precedes tjèprêt pecedes tjêprèt

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The reason for this practice (rather, for example, than listing all t-initials together, separate from the th-initials, thus observing both a phonemic grouping and the Javanese-script grouping) is the reader's convenience in interpreting written materials from which the Javanese tend to omit the accents and subdots: they know after all, which sound to pronounce. The foreign reader coming across an unfamiliar word that begins with unmarked d, e, or t will not have to guess which kind of d, e, or t to look under first if they are all grouped together.

2.2. Spelling and Pronunciation

Conventional Javanese spelling, on the whole, reflects pronunciation accurately. The following list gives the nearest English equivalents to the sounds represented by the letters. (Phonemes are shown between slashes).

Phonemes not occurring initially: k as glottal stop, y.
Phonemes not occurring finally: dh, j, è,[6] y, mb, nd, ndh, nj, ngg, t, c, w, y.
Final e is limited to foreign borrowings, e.g. nasionalisme nationalism, voltase voltage.
Final ek (ê plus glottal stop), as in plêk just like, utêk brain, is extremely rarein standard Javanese, though common in regional speech.

2.3. Light and Heavy Consonants

Consonants p, t, th, c, k (not glottal stop) are LIGHT: sharp and clear, and without the strong aspiration of the English sounds. The corresponding phonemes b, d, dh, j, g are HEAVY and have a murmured, breathy quality. B, d, g change to p, t, k in absolute final position. See also 2.9.1 below.

L also has a corresponding heavy variety, conventionally spelled either l, lh, or hl. Z is the heavy variety of s; it occurs in foreign borrowings and is sometimes spelled s. See also the symbol º, 2.5.

All vowel phonemes (a, e, è, ê, i, o, u) after a heavy consonant have the characteristic breathy quality of the heavy consonants and are lowered in pitch.

2.4. Optional Sounds

Words having two forms, one with and one without an optional sound (parenthesized in the citation form), may have different pronunciations when the optional sound is present and absent, according to the pronunciation values listed in 2.2 above. For example, in final -a(h), e.g. in gotra(h), the a is a when the h is absent and a when the h is present. The ponunciation of u in sekidu(l) is different depending on whether or not the l is pronounced, i.e. whether the syllable is open or closed. In senapan(g) final n alternates with final ng. And so on.

2.5. Pronunciation Showing Diacritics.

In cases where the conventional spelling is ambiguous or misleading with respect to the pronunciation as shown in 2.2 above, we show the word (in the citation form only) with certain diacritical marks which are not part of the conventional system but are unique to this dictionary. These devices serve to retain the conventional spelling for the citation. For some words even these markings are inadequate and the word is rewritten, e.g.: punika (prn mênika); têka 3 (prn kok).

2.5.1. Pronunciation of Final K

A morpheme final k retains its isolated pronunciation regardless of what affixes follow it:

A morpheme final g which is neutralized to k (see 2.9.1 below) likewise is k throughout.

2.5.2. Pronunciation Variations for I, U.

Since the pronunciation of i and u depends on their position in a word, they are often pronounced differently within the same word, and since these pronunciations are automatic and regular, we do not mark them with the pronunciation showing devices in citation forms:

miring (mi:/ring) : slanting
timbil (ti:/mbil) : sty
[contrast dhiri (dhi:/ri:) oneself]
durung (du:/rung) : not yet
lungguh (lu:/ngguh) : to sit
[contrast guru (gu:/ru:) teacher]

See also 3.1.6.1 for pronunciation changes in i and u before certain suffixes.

2.5.3. Pronunciation Changes for A

According to the regular rules, a in various positions may be pronounced differently within the

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same word. Since these pronunciations are normal and automatic, we do not mark them in our citation forms:

warna (pronounced wārnâ) variety; color
nalika (pronounced nālikâ) when (something happened)
We mark final â only when some other non final a or a's in the word are pronounced â:
kâlâmânggâ spider
kulâwârgâ family
upâjiwâ livelihood

See also 3.1.6.1 below for changes of â to ā when suffixation changes final a's to non final a's.

2.6. Spellings in Borrowed Words

In conventional Javanese usage, modern borrowed words are usually spelled as in the language from which they were borrowed. Older borrowings have been adapted to Javanese pronunciation in varying degrees. In our dictionary citations, the pronunciation of c is marked individually, since it varies according to the loan language. Most Arabic ch's have been altered to h or k herein, in keeping with the most prevalent practice, and most Arabic z's to j. Other z's may become s or d in Javanese. In words borrowed from Indonesian and from modern Western languages, we mark the d's and t's as dh and th, and the ê's as e or è, in the citation forms to show how the Javanese pronounce them, but the words are not conventionally spelled with these markings. We regularize Dutch oe to u, in keeping with modern practice,[9] and similary we represent Dutch oo as u (e.g. setum, from setoom) except in oom 'uncle', which is apparently the only spelling used for this word.

2.7. Initial Clusters

The following consonant clusters occur initially in present day Javanese:

b, g, h, k, ng, p plus y (or y as a variant of j);
b, d, j, g, k, m, n, ng, ny, p, s, t, c, w plus l;
b, d, dh, j, g, k, m, n, ng, ny, p, s, t, th, c, w plus r.

The clusters st and str occur initially in the spellings of some borrowed words.

Consonant-plus-w clusters are formed when an initial consonant plus uw exercises its option of dropping the u:

b(u)wang, k(u)wasa, s(u)wara and its nasalized form ny(u)wara.

Clusters having l or r as the second member have free variants with a (informally, e) intervening:

nlangsa has variants nalangsa, nêlangsa.
printah has variants parintah, pêrintah.
See also 2.9.3. below.

2.8. Syllables

A word has as many syllables as it has vowels. The minimum syllable is vowel (V) alone; the maximum is consonant (C)-C-V-C. (In loan words spelled with initial str-, three-consonant syllable initials occur). The following syllable types occur, both in isolation and as parts of longer words:

open : closed
V e hey! : VC ing in, at, on
CV si [title] : CVC nggon place
CCV dwi two : CCVC jrèng cash

2.9. Variations in Spelling and in Pronunciation; Formality and Informality

The conventional orthography of Javanese is not standardized and seems to be becoming less so. Spelling is still taught in Javanese elementary schools, especially in Central and East Java, but

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strict standards are not always adhered to. School reading materials in Javanese are in short supply. Javanese magazines Panyêbar Sêmangat, Jayabaya, Kunthi (=Kunthi), and, in Yogyakarta, Mêkar Sari - exercise a wide influence among adult readers, and these publications appear increasingly inclined to spell words as they are pronounced informally.

In our citation forms and subentries we generally show the more formal variant (when there is a choice): these fluctuate less. In examples we often use less formal variants.

Certain affixes have formal and informal variants. The former are often written but never spoken except in the most formal or literary usage:

In -an-suffixed roots with an optionally reduplicated first syllable, the variant with the reduplicated syllable is more formal:

(thê)thukul-an vegetation : thukulan (less formal), thêthukulan (more formal)

In general, the Javanese informalize words by shortening them from the beginning. This is seen e.g. in personal nicknames (Di from Pardi), in forms of address (Can Tigêr! from macan), and in shortened compounds (bulik from ibu cilik aunt; degus from gêdhe bagus tall and handsome).

Any word having the infix -in- is formal, and is usually confined to literary contexts; the corresponding informal (ordinary) form has the passive prefix di- instead of the infix.

Certain trisyllabic words begin with consonant-plus-ê-plus-optional-r. The form without the r is less formal:

bê(r)kongkong to stay put; to loaf
jê(r)babah extending sideways

When a varies with ê in the first syllable, as it often does, the ê is less formal (see also 2.9.2 below).

Punctuation, like spelling, in current Javanese practice is not altogether regular, e.g. in numbers with decimal points (the point is often a comma). The handling of compounds varies considerably: they are spelled sometimes as one word, sometimes as two, sometimes hyphenated.[10] Capitalization is generally as for Western usage (though not always followed consistently in some nonpersonal names). In this dictionary we observe the common practice of capitalizing the second or third member of the nasal cluster phonemes of words coming first in a sentence: mB, nD, nDh, nJ, ngG.

Commonly occurring spelling variations in modern use are shown below, along with explanations of which type of variation the user of this dictionary should expect to find words listed under. In this complex situation it is not easy to follow consistent principles. We have tried to straddle the fence between adhering too closely to older "correct" spellings (representing overliterary forms and pronunciations which some younger Javanese describe impatiently as old fashioned) and choosing only the current spoken variations, a practice which would be difficult to maintain consistently. We regret having to complicate the task of a reader searching for a word among the entries; but once he has become used to the kinds of things he can expect, he should have little difficulty.

2.9.1. Heavy vs. Light Consonants.

B, d, and g are pronounced as the corresponding light consonants p, t, and k respectively in final position and medially before another consonant:

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absah is pronounced apsah;
padmi is pronounced patmi;
digdaya is pronounced dikdaya;
sêbab is pronounced sêbap;
jogèd is pronounced jogèt;
mandhêg is pronounced mandhêk.

The current trend is for the heavy consonants to change to light in all contexts, even before vowels, so that the following forms are now the more common ones:

di-sêbap-ake 'caused by' (replacing di-sêbab-ake);
jogèt-e 'the dance' (replacing jogèd-e);
ngê-ndhêk-i 'to stop at' (replacing ngê-ndhêg-i).

The modern practice leads in some cases to homonymy: larab and larap, for example, are falling together phonologically.

In this dictionary, we retain the heavy consonants in this type of word, since they still occur (though more often in writing than in speech). The change from heavy to light, as described above, is always predictable; but one could not predict which light consonants have recently become neutralized from heavy ones.

2.9.2 A vs Ê.

In the first syllable of polysyllabic words, a often varies with ê: e.g. kathoprak/kêthoprak, sangkala/sêngkala, watara/wêtara, and ka-/kê- and pa-/pê- (prefixes). The form with a is more formal, being used in literary and official speech, lecture style, and so on.

When the a-ê variation occurs in two syllable words, we cite both forms as main entries, cross referencing one to the other (e.g. sabab is listed as a formal variant of sêbab, pasthi of pêsthi). In longer words, we choose one form or the other, generally the more common spoken form ê (but a in special circumstances, e.g. if the a belongs to a prefix, since we show affixes in the formal form in citations; or a if the word is one which occurs most often in literary or formal contexts, e.g. bathara deity).

2.9.3. Initial Cluster vs. Initial Split Cluster

In words where variation occurs between initial cluster of consonant-plus-l/r and initial cluster split by a or ê (e.g. bl- vs. bal-, bêl-: see also 2.7 above), we spell the word with the cluster: e.g. we cite only mlathi (not the variant malathi). The reader should be on the lookout for this variation when he comes across words beginning with bal-, gêr-, sal-, tar-, or any other such combination: if he fails to find his word in the dictionary, he should try again with the a or ê deleted. (For example, nalangsa is a common spelling of the word we cite as nlangsa). The picture is further complicated by the fact that the first consonant of the cluster may be a nasal prefix either added to a root or replacing another consonant, e.g.:

malumpat (for mlumpat, from root lumpat);
mariksa (for mriksa, from root priksa);
nalutuh (for nlutuh, from root tlutuh);
ngalumpukake (for nglumpukake, from root klumpuk).

Once in a while, a word is treated phonologically as having a cluster but morphologically like a split cluster form; this occurs with some loan words. For example, klir 'color' has the active form ngêlir (rather than [x]-ngêklir, the expected form for monosyllables); stabil has the split cluster active form nyêtabil 'to stabilize'.

And, an occasional split cluster form is infixed (but these are usually literary usages only):

p-in-ariksa (from pariksa, from priksa);
s-in-arantèkake (from saranti, from sranti).

2.9.4. Initial (W)l- and (W)r-

The modern trend is to drop the w from the initial clusters wl- and wr-, and so we cite such words most often under L and R (giving the w- form as a variant). In special cases, both are cited

xvii

as main entries-the w form is listed when it remains in current use as the basis for derived forms, e.g. (w)ragad 'expense' has the locative form mragadi (from wragad) alongside of ngragadi (from ragad).

The w clusters, when they occur, are also subject to cluster splitting, alone or affixed:

waringin is a common spelling for (w)ringin;
w-in-arangka is derived from (w)rangka.

2.9.5. Addition of Vowel to Monosyllabic Root.

Consonant initial roots which we cite as monosyllabic have disyllabic variants starting with ê, in isolation or in affixed forms (the symbol [x] stands for a cited root: see below, 4.2, p. xxviii):

let has the variant êlêt;
mas[11] has the variant êmas;
nom has the variant ênom (or, more formally, anom);
ngrêm has the variant êngrêm;
gèt has the variant êgèt: in ngê/di-[x]-[x]-i, read (active) ngêgèt-gèti or ngêgèt-êgèti;
(passive) digèt-gèti or digèt-êgèti or diêgèt-gèti or diêgèt-êgèti).

We make an exception and show initial ê before the complex nasal phonemes or nasal clusters of a type which appear nowhere initially in the dictionary, e.g:

êmbuh has the variant mbuh;
êmpun has the variant mpun;
êndi has the variant ndi;
êndhas has the variant ndhas;
ênggon has the variant nggon.

The ê's preceding this latter type of monosyllable are just as optional as the others described above, and the reader should keep in mind that under êndhêg, for example, di-[x] stands for either diêndhêg or dindhêg; that dinggo is a common passive form from ênggo; that nggon will be cited as ênggon; and so on. We help the reader along with this by including examples showing the form in the variation from the cited form.

Roots beginning with uw-often have a disyllabic variant with uw- and a monosyllabic variant with w-: e.g. (u)wan, (u)wi, (u)wong. We cite these usually under U, except in cases (like wong person) where the w variant is by far the more common one.

2.9.6. Variation between -ÊR- and -RÊ-

In many words, non final syllables of the type consonant-plus-êr-plus-consonant have a free variant with the ê and the r reversed,[12] e.g.: pêrlu=prêlu; ngêrti=ngrêti; pêr-, mêr- (prefixes)= prê-, mrê- (or, more formally, pra-, mra-; when the pra-, mra- forms occur, we cite them explicitly).

Our citation form for these words is the ÊR order: that is, we cite e.g. pêrlu, ngêrti.

2.9.7. Intervocalic Y and W (or H)

There is considerable variation between the presence or absence of an intervocalic y between a high front vowel and a lower and/or farther back vowel (see 3.1.8 below, fn 10)- e.g. pi(y)e, mi(y)arsa, si(y)ung- and in the presence or absence of an intervocalic w between a high back vowel and a lower or farther-front-vowel- e.g. tu(w)a, jêro(w)an. A variation on this theme consists of dropping the first vowel and leaving the y or w, e.g. p(i)yayi, b(u)wang.

The general practice in citation forms in this dictionary is to include both of the vowels together with the intervocalic y or w-e.g. piyon, guwa-but we make exceptions to this when individual

xviii

words are statistically far more commonly spelled in a particular way: for example, we list buah as the citation form rather than buwah or bwah, and swara in preference to suara and suwara.

The reader should also be on the lookout for the spelling h alternating with w, which occurs not infrequently in this type of word: e.g. johar/jowar, kêduwung/kêduhung, sinuhun/sinuwun. See also 3.1.6.2 below for this type of spelling complication with the suffixes -a and -an.

2.9.8. O vs A

When the letter a is pronounced a, it is often spelled with an o nowadays (we retain the a spellings here): soko (our saka), tuwo (our tuwa), bongso or bongsa (our bangsa), tanpo (our tanpa), and regularly in proper names (see the next to last paragraph on page vi above). Notice especially these o spellings before suffix -a following a word with final a where two a's are pronounced in a row, e.g. bisoa (our bisa-a), piroa (our pira-a).

2.9.9. Doubled Consonants

Many Javanese nowadays write a doubled final consonant before suffix -e, e.g. dolanane (our dolan-an-e), dhèwèkke (informal, dhèkke) (our dhèwèke, dhèke).

Certain foreign borrowings are conventionally spelled with double consonants (as in the original language) where only one consonant is pronounced: Allah God; massa the masses. We retain some of these spellings (it would be odd to spell Allah with only one I, for example) but where both the doubled and the single consonant are in common use we cite the single consonant form. Ummat, for example, will be found cited as umat.

2.9.10. K for Glottal Stop

There is a trend toward writing glottal stop as k in positions other than final (again, following the pronunciation), particularly with prefix sa-: sak iki (our saiki, cited as sa'iki); sak durunge (our sadurunge).

2.9.11. Th and Dh

The sounds th and dh are sometimes spelled th and dh. We always represent these sound with the symbols th and dh.

2.9.12. Optional Initial H

H is common initially in personal names but less common at the beginning of other words. When it does occur, it often has a more usual variant lacking the h. We cite under H some words which have common variants both with and without the h. If a word cannot be found under H, try again with the h removed.

2.9.13. OE.

The spelling oe is replaced by u herein, following modern usage; the older oe form is now seen mainly in personal names and in older and literary writings.

2.9.14. Diacritics

The Javanese know automatically how to pronounce an ê, t, or d in a given word whether or not is has an accent mark or subdot; and so there is no point in their wasting time and ink putting them all in, except in formal or literary writings or for educational purposes. For the benefit of the foreigner, we cite words with their diacritics in place, but alphabetize them in with the unaccented and undotted words. (Users of Poerwadarminta's monolingual Javanese dictionary soon find that words there are alphabetized according to the system of Javanese script, which separates accented e's from unaccented ones, th's from t's, and dh's from d's, along with various other differences).

xix

2.10. Conslusion

The foregoing sections deal with various ways in which Javanese words conceal their dictionary citation forms through spelling practices. For a summary of the morphophonemic disguises words can assume, see 3.1.3-3.1.8 below.

3. SUMMARY OF JAVANESE MORPHOLOGY

Javanese words are either roots or derived forms. Derived forms are roots with afixes, or doubled or reduplicated roots with or without affixes. Affixed forms are prefixed, infixed, suffixed, or circumfixed. Sometimes an affix produces a derived root which is subject to further affixation, e.g. piring from iring, panèn from ani, pinarak from parak.

The grammatical terminology throughout is as used in Horne, Beginning Javanese (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1961).

3.1. Morphological Processes

1. Doubling;
2. Doubling with vowel change;
3. Reduplication;
Doubled and reduplicated roots, as well as plain roots, undergo processes 4-7:
4. Prefixation;
5. Circumfixation (simultaneous prefixing and suffixing);
6. Suffixation;
7. Infixation (insertion of an affix into a root);

A process unique to adjectives is:

8. Intensification.

These processes are described below. Since the affixes are all defined in the dictionary, they are not detailed here.

3.1.1 Doubled Roots

The symbol ² is conventionally used to show doublings. This symbol as used herein extends its range back to the nearest space or hyphen:

loro² is to be read loro-loro;
bal²an is to be read bal-balan;
di-êntèn²i is to be read diêntèn-êntèni.

A raised dot, used herein to show morphological division, does not interrupt the range of the symbol ²:

m-uni² is to be read muni-muni;
ny-siji² is to be read nyiji-nyiji [for ny see p. xxiii, fn 7].

Nearly any root can be doubled, and doubling changes the meaning of a form in a great variety of ways. It would be wasteful indeed to list every possible doubled form of every root in a dictionary; doubling is a productive process and ought to have its own definition, as the affixes have, in this dictionary. Being a process rather than a word, it cannot be alphabetized among the other entries, and so it is comprehensively defined here. The reader will find specific meanings which apply to specific roots listed in the individual dictionary entries, and should infer the general meanings from the definition below.

xx

DEFINITION OF DOUBLED FORMS:

A few roots occur only in doubled form: for example, kiwir-kiwir 'nearly severed'; wela-wela 'clear, distinct.'

When doubled roots are affixed, their vowels undergo the same regular sound changes as when single roots have the same affixes. These changes are described below in 3.1.5.4 (Notes on the Chart, 5), 3.1.6.1, and 3.1.6.2.

xxi

3.1.2. Vowel-Change Doubled Roots

Vowel-change doublings are doubled roots with the vowel(s) of the first member altered.[14] The last vowel becomes a and the next to last vowel becomes o (except that if the next to last vowel is i, e, or u, it does not change):

walik : wolak-walik;
bul : bal-bul;
bêngok : bêngak-bêngok.
Open final a in the first member is pronounced a:
n-tuju : nuja-nuju [for n see p. xxiii, fn. 7];
wiri : wira-wiri;
bali : bola-bali.

Vowel-change doubled forms mean 'to [do] repeatedly, to keep [do]ing.'

3.1.3. Reduplicated Roots (Pseudo-Prefixation, Pseudo-Circumfixation).

A reduplicated root is a consonant-initial root prefixed with its own initial consonant plus ê: bê-basa, n-jê-jaluk. Some reduplicated roots simultaneously take a suffix -an: tê-têmbung-an, lê-laku-n (lêlakon).

In literary, formal, or official style, the reduplicating syllable often has the first vowel of the roots rather than ê: pa-prang-an, li-lipur, su-suci.

Reduplicated roots with the nasal prefix ^mng- (below, 3.1.5.4) take the prefix only at the beginning if the prefix is added (e.g. n-jê-jaluk) and at the beginning of both syllables if it replaces (e.g. m-pê-puji, pronounced mêmuji).

3.1.4. Prefixation

The following prefixes occur:

These are grouped in the following sections according to their usage.

3.1.4.1. Prefixes Not Entering into Circumfixation

The following prefixes do not act as first members of circumfixes:

a-
bêr-
ka- (number prefix)
ma-
m(ê)- (root activating prefix: pronounced m before l, r, or vowel; pronounced mê- before consonant or monosyllabic root
[xxii]
mê(r)-
^mng- in meaning other than active (see definition of the affix, page 393): the pronunciation is adjusted according to the root as described below (3.1.5.4)
pê(r)-
pi-
pra-

3.1.5. Remaining Prefixes

The remaining prefixes occur either alone or in combination with suffixes, forming circumfixation.

3.1.5.1. Prefixes Which Occur Alone or Form Circumfixes with Suffix -an

The prefixes in this category are:

k(a)-, informally k(ê)-. The a (or ê) of the suffix is pronounced before consonant and optionally before l and r: kê-têmu, k(ê)laku-n, k-rungu, k-obong.
Variant in certain w-initial roots is ku-: ku-wajib-an.
^mng- active prefix (see 3.1.5.4 below): n-jaluk-an 'always asking for things';
n-trima-n (nriman) 'tending to accept things as they come.'
p(a)-, informally p(ê)-. The a (or ê) is pronounced before consonants and optionally before l and r: pa-nggon-an, p(a)-latar-an, p(a)raja, p-adat-an.

3.1.5.2. Prefix Which Occurs Alone or Forms Circumfixes with Suffixes -an and -ên:[15]

k (ê)-. The ê is pronounced as for k(a)-, k(ê)- just above.[16]

3.1.5.3. Prefix Which Occurs Alone or Forms Circumfixes with Suffix -e:

sa- (pronounced sa' and often spelled sak- nowadays).

3.1.5.4. Prefix Which Occur Alone or Forms Causative and Locative Circumfixes: the Active and Passive Prefixes

The passive prefixes are:[17]

di- ng, dipun- kr [done] by him/her; [done] by someone.
ka- (formal and literary variant of di- dipun-; added to roots without change, regardless of initial sound).
k(ê)- (inadvertent passive prefix: see 3.1.5.2 above) accidentally [done] by someone or something.
tak- or dak- ng, kula- kr [done] by me.
kok- or mbok- ng, sampeyan- kr, panjênêngan- ki [done] by you.

The active prefix, morpheme ^mng-, is pronounced variosly according to the root it is used with.

1. Nga- or ngê- before monosyllabic roots, or ngu- before w- initial monosyllabic roots (rarely and irregularly elsewhere[18]

xxiii

ngê-lih to move
nga-lor northward
ngu-wot to cross a narrow bridge

2. M before b; m replacing f, p, w:[19]

m-bayar to pay
m-foto (moto) to take a picture
m-pangan (mangan) to eat
m-waca (maca) to read

3. N before d, dh, j; n- replacing t, th:

n-dhêlêng to see
n-dhêlik to hide
n-jarag to do unintentionally
n-tulis (nulis) to write
n-thothok (nothok) to knock

4. Ng before g, y, l, r and vowels; ng replacing h, k:

ng-grêsah to complain
ng-yasa-kake to build for someone
ng-liwêt to boil rice
ng-rèwès to heed
ng-obong to burn
ng-handhuk-i (ngandhuki) to dry with a towel
ng-klocop (nglocop) to peel

5. Ny replacing s, c:[20]

ny-suda (nyuda) to decrease
ny-cathêt (nyathêt) to take notes

6. ø, i, e. zero (no overt pronunciation) before m, n, ng, and ny and with a few roots having a di- passive form alongside an unprefixed active form:

ø/di-maling-i (malingi active, dimalingi passive) to rob someone
ø/di-nunut-i (nunuti active, dinunuti passive) to accompany someone as a passenger
ø/di-ngêndika-k'ake' (ngêndikakake active, dingêndikakake passive) to tell something
ø/di-nyata-k'ake' (nyatakake active, dinyatakake passive) to verify
ø/di-pêrcaya (pêrcaya active, dipêrcaya passive) to believe

The active and passive prefixes can be used with roots alone, i.e. without simultaneous suffixation; but the causative and locative suffixes occur only in conjunction with an active or passive prefix. Not all roots, by any means, take any of this affixation. Some roots take only the active prefix; of these, some have no other active or passive forms and others take causative and/or locative affixation in both active and passive forms. Other roots have both active and passive forms and may in addition have causative and/or locative forms. Only a small percentage of roots have all the possible forms.

The prefixed and circumfixed active and passive combinations are shown in the chart on the following page.[21]

xxiv

Notes on the Chart.

1. ^mng/di ... indicates that either ^mng- or di- (or some other passive prefix) is used in a given form; with ^mng- the form is active, with di- passive.

2. ø here means a zero variant of di-, i.e. no prefix appears overtly.

3. Parenthesized k (= glottal stop) and n are inserted between root-final vowel and suffix: e.g. from rasa, ng-rasa-k-ake and ng-rasa-n-i. Compare consonant-final roots, e.g. from jupuk, n-jupuk-ake and n-jupuk-i. Our symbolic notations k, k, n, n (i.e. accents marked over the inserted k's and ns) indicate a simultaneous change in the final vowel of the root, as described below (note 5 to the chart, pp. xxiv-xxv; 3.1.6.2, p.xxvi; and see also p. xxviii, 4.2 and fn. 7; 4.4, p.xxix).

4. Literary causatives and locatives can have the passive infix -in- in lieu of a passive prefix; in this case the locative suffix is -(a)-n, as in the inadvertent passive locatives in k-(ê)...(a)-n (above, 3.1.5.2). For example:

5. Before the causative and locative suffixes the following vowel changes take place.

Final i or e changes to è:

Consecutive e's both change:

If the root is doubled, the changes occur in both members and the k or n is inserted after both members:

Final u changes to o (pronounced ă: see p.xi, fn.4, above) and-although the spelling does not reveal this-final o changes its pronunciation to ă, and final a (or two contiguous final a's) change to a:

xxv

laku action : ng/di-laku-k-ake (ng-di-lakokake)
lêbu to enter : ng/di-lêbu-n-i (ng/di-lêboni)
ngono like that : ø/di-ngono-k-ake (ngonokake, dingonokake)
pindho twice : m/di-pindho-n-i (mindhoni, dipindhoni)
têka to come : n/di-têka-k-ake (nêkakake, ditêkakake)
kandha to say : ng/di-kandha-k-ake (ngandhakake, dikandhakake)
rasa to feel : ng/di-rasa-n-i (ngrasani, dirasani)

In our subentry citations, the symbols k and n remind the reader of a spelled vowel change to è, and the symbols k and n act as reminders of a spelled vowel change to o (pronounced ă), as shown in the examples above.

3.1.6. Suffixation

The suffixes are as follows. Those marked with an asterisk are used only in circumfixes and are given in the chart on page xxiv.

* -a (imperative and subjunctive suffix)
* -ake ng, -akên kr (-kake, -kakên after vowel) (causative suffix)
-an (-n or -an or -nan after vowel) (noun-forming, verb-forming, etc. suffix)
*-ana (-nana after vowel) (imperative and subjunctive locative suffix)
*-ane ng, -anipun kr (-nane, -nanipun after vowel) (optative locative suffix)
-e ng, -ipun kr (-ne, -nipun after vowel) (possessive etc. suffix)
*-e ng, -ipun kr (-ne, -nipun after vowel) (optative suffix)
-ên (-nên after vowel) (suffix for physiological processes)
*-ên (-nên after vowel) (passive imperative suffix)
*-i (-ni after vowel) (locative suffix)
-ing (-ning after vowel) (possessive etc. suffix)
-ku (first person possessive suffix)
-mu (second person possessive suffix)
*-na (-kna after vowel) (imperative and subjunctive causative suffix)
*-ne (-kne after vowel) (oprative causative suffix)

3.1.6.1. Root Changes before Suffixes

Certain pronunciation changes which are not revealed by the conventional spelling result from the normal sound patterns of Javanese (as described above, pp.xi-xii) when suffixes are added to roots, as follows.

1. An a (pronounced a) at the end of a root, along with any contiguous preceding a, is pronounced a when it is no longer final:
têka to come : têka-ku my arrival
basa language : basa-mu your language
meja table : meja-ne the table
lara ill : lara-nên sickly
waca to read : waca-nên read it !
ana there is/are : ng-ana-k-ake to bring into being
tampa to receive : n-tampa-n-i (nampani) to receive, accept

The exception is the suffix -a, which does not affect preceding a's:
bisa can : bisa-a if one could
aja don't! : aja-a if it were not so
ora not : ora-a if not

2. An i or u in a final closed syllable (normally pronounced as in bit and put respectively) are pronounced i: and u: (as in police and salute respectively) before suffixes -a, -an (see 3.1.6.2 below), -e, -ên, -i and the other locative suffixes, and -ing:

xxvi

3.1.6.2. Root Changes with Suffix -an

When the post vowel form -n or -nan of the suffix -an is attached to vowel final roots, the same changes take place in the root as with suffixes -k-ake and -n-i (described on page xxiv, Notes on the Chart, 5):

lêgi sweet : lêgi-n (lêgèn) sweet nectar
suwe long (in time) : kê-suwè-n (kêsuwèn) too long
gugu to believe : gugu-n (gugon) belief
pindho twice : pindho-n (pindhon) redone
bêgja luck : ka-bêgja-n (kabêgjan) luck
waca to read : waca-n (wacan) reading matter

In subentry citations we use the symbols n and n to remind the reader that an è or ă (respectively) precedes the suffix in those cases where the conventional spelling shows the change.

In a final close syllable, or in contiguous final syllables the second of which is closed, è optionally becomes e:

gondhèl earrings : gondhel-an to grip firmly
dlèwèr flowing : dlewer-an to flow

The intervocalic y and w described above (2.9.7, pp. xvii-xviii) often crop up in the conventional spelling of Javanese when suffix -an (and also suffix -a) combine with roots, as follows:

-i plus -a is often spelled -iya: pati : ora patiya not especially
-i plus -an is often spelled -iyan, or esp. -eyan: dadi : kêdadeyan consequence
-o plus -an is often spelled -owan: jodho : jêjodhowan mariied
-u plus -an is often spelled -uwan: tuju : tujuwane his destination

Moreover, when root final h comes before suffix -a or -an, the h (which tend s not to be pronounced between vowels in normal speech) is very often replaced in writing - following the pronunciation - by the same y or w:

karuh : ora karu-karuwan unimaginably
In this position, -èh often changes to -e:
akèh : kakeyan too much/many
By a reverse process, vowel final roots may even insert an h before -a or -an:
bisa : bisa-ha if one were able
dadi : kêdadèhan, kêdadehan consequence

3.1.7. Infixation

Infixes are inserted after the initial consonant, e.g. gantung - g-um-antung.

Javanese has the following infixes:

-êm- (informal variant of -um-)
-in-
-l- (subsituted for -r- infix in roots containing an r, e.g. from gêrêng g-l-êrêng
-r-
[xxvii]
-u-
-um-
-w- (variant of -u-)

We list -l- and -r- infixed forms as main entries, cross referenced to their root forms, since they are difficult to spot as infixed forms.

We do not list other infixed forms as main entries, but include them only as subentries under their roots, since one quickly becomes able to identify the infix in words that begin bin-, gum-, etc.: e.g. t-in-imbang from timbang, s-êm-ampir from sampir, d-um-êgan from dêgan, and so on.

-u- infixed forms are not even listed as subentries, since they are applicable to any adjective: see the definition of the infix.

3.1.8. Adjective Intensification

Any adjective can be made to mean 'extremely [so]' in informal speech by considerably lengthening the vowel of its last syllable and raising the pitch by perhaps half an octave or so (feminine voices may go higher). Adjectives are also intensified by lengthening (shown in the examples by a dash) plus changing the last vowel to a phonetically higher vowel:[22]

gêdhe large : gêdhi-huge, enormous
cilik small : cili:-k tiny
abang red : abi:-ng intensely red
dawa long : dowu-extremely long

Adjectives ending in k' often change this to k when they are intensified:

kêbak' full : kêbê-k jammed full
mêdhok' softened : mêdhu:-k softened to a mush
The -u- infix (see definition, page 678) is a form of adjective intensification.

Intensification is in certain instances by specific vocabulary item:

putih white : putih mêmplak pure white
cêtha clear : cêtha wela-wela crystal clear

We list as main entries (cross-referenced to their roots) only such intensified adjective forms as do not follow this pattern regularly, e.g. sudi:k from sudi 'willing and eager.'

4. THE DICTIONARY ENTRIES

4.1. Organization of the Entries

Each dictionary entry (other than cross-references) consists of a root[23] as citation form (whether or not it occurs as a free form) followed by its various derived forms and phrases, if any.[24] Roots having more than one social variant (below, 5, pp. xxxi-xxxiii) have multiple citations:

xxviii

rasa ng, raos kr
irung ng kr, grana ki
jaluk ng, têdha kr, pundhut ki, suwun ka

Krama (kr), Krama Inggil (ki), and Krama Andhap (ka) variants appear also as separate main entries but only with short glosses. The Ngoko (ng) entry is the main one, the full definition; what is said there applies to all variants unless specifically excluded. For example, the definition for abang (p.1) first shows all social variants (abang ng, abrit kr) and gives the shared glosses; it then shows the shared derived forms and special phrases. The separate definition for abrit (p.2) simply reads abrit red, ripe (kr for ABANG), implying that full information is to be found at the abang definition. (This practice avoids unnecessary duplication of material. When, on the other hand, a non-Ngoko word is not adaptable to such handling, complete entries are provided: see, for example, the definitions of kula, p.312, and suwun, p.581). Similarly, raos feel; taste (kr for RASA) gives quick-reference glosses showing that in both the meanings 'feel' and 'taste' raos is Krama for rasa. In the infrequent cases where there are different meanings in different social styles for the same word, these are separated into numbered glosses: e.g. malih 1 to change ... [unmarked, hence neutral]. 2 again, more (kr for MANÈH). When part of an entry has a different distribution of social variants than as cited, this is specified at that point.[25]

Each entry is organized as follows (not all forms occur for all roots):

1. Root;

2. Suffixed root (alphabetized by suffix);

3. Doubled root (unsuffixed; suffixed; with second member affixed, alphabetically by affix);

4. Doubled root with vowel change;

5. Reduplicated root[26] (unsuffixed; suffixed);

6. Prefixed root, alphabetized by prefix:[27] for each prefix, single root, then doubled root, then reduplicated root, then circumfixed forms alphabetized by suffix;

7. Infixed root;

8. Phrases containing the root form as first member;[28]

9. Cros references, alphabetized by root. Homonyms are grouped as single entries unless it is preferable to separate them for clarity or for simplicity of listing, as for example with aku^a and aku^b, which have different Krama equivalent, or with ing^a, ing-^b, and -ing^c, which are preposition, prefix, and suffix respectively.

4.2. The Symbol [x]

The symbol [x] in a subentry stands for the citation form as it appears at the beginning of the

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entry.[29] When there is more than one citation form, [x] stands for both (all) of them unless specifically excluded. (Within example phrases and sentences, [x] stands for the Ngoko citation only; in non-Ngoko examples, the citation form is spelled out).

4.3. Active Passive subentries

A subentry in the form ^mng/di-[x][30] (with or without suffixes at the end) means that the root has both active and passive varieties of the form. ø/di-[x] means the same thing except that the active prefix is not overt:

under dêlêng, n/di-[x] means ndêlêng active, didêlêng passive;
under karang, ng/di-[x]-ake means ngarangake active, dikarangake passive;
under tuku, ø/di-[x] means tuku active, dituku passive.
The nasal prefix marked with an umlaut to show that it replaces the initial consonant of the root makes this replacement with both elements of a reduplicated or doubled root:
under cingak, ny-cê-[x] means nyênyingak;
under tangi, n/di-tê-[x] means nênangi active, ditêtangi passive;
under kêmah, ng/di-[x]-[x] means ngêmah-ngêmah active, dikêmah-kêmah passive;
under cukup, ny/di-[x]-[x]-ake means nyukup-nyukupake active, dicukup-cukupake passive;
under kayuh, ng/di-koyah-[x] means ngoyah-ngayuh active, dikoyah-kayuh passive.

4.4. Implied Non-Ngoko Subentry Forms

Affixes and reduplicating syllables are shown in the subentries only as for Ngoko, and it is up to the reader to adjust these for non-Ngoko forms. Some examples:

under karang, ng/di-[x] implies ng/dipun-[x] kr;
under rawa ng, rawi kr, [x]-n implies rawan ng, rawi-n (rawèn) kr;
under lara^a ng, sakit kr, lê-[x] (lêlara ng) implies sê-sakit kr;
under dol ng, sade kr, ngê/di-[x]-ake (ngêdolake active ng, didolake passive ng) implies ny/dipun-sade-kakên kr (nyadèkakên active, dipun sadèkakên passive);
under uni^a ng, ungêl kr, ng/di-[x]-n(-[x])-i [ngunèn(-unèn)-i active ng, diunèn(-unèn)-i passive ng] implies ng/dipun-ungêl(-ungêl)-i kr;
under jamu ng, jampi kr, [x]-n-[x]-nan (jamon-jamonan ng) implies [x]-n-[x]-nan (jampèn-jampènan) kr;
under jaluk ng, têdha kr, pundhut ki, suwun ka, pa-n-[x] (panjaluk ng) implies pa-n-têdha (panêdha) kr, pa-m-pundhut (pamundhut) ki, pa-ny-suwun (panyuwun) ka.

Forms susceptible of ambiguous or faulty interpretation are spelled out. For example, under anggo ng, angge kr, agêm ki, the notation [x]-n is readily interpreted as anggon ng, anggèn kr, agêman ki; but for [x]-n-[x]-nan, the ki form agêm-agêman is written out.

4.5. Causative and Locative Subentries

When the causative suffix -ake is marked optional with parentheses -^mng/di-[x]-(ake)-the form means the same thing with or without the suffix -ake.

When the locative suffix is marked optional, however -^mng/di-[x]-(i)- the implication is that the root is used either with or without the suffix with no change in the English gloss but with differing implications. With the suffix, the form implies that (a) the action is done to a direct object, or (b) the action is done repetitively-many times, habitually, and/or by more than one subject (cf. the first two meanings in the definition of the suffix -i, page 229).[31]

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Both -ake and -i are productive suffixes, and we do not claim to have listed every single possible -ake and -i form in the dictionary entries. The meaning of a new one can be figured out easily by referring to the definitions of these suffixes, meanings 1 and 2 in each case.

4.6. Phrases

The phrases listed at the ends of entries are shown only for Ngoko, and it is up to the reader to translate them into Krama when Krama words exist for the phrasal words:

under sêtêngah, [x] tuwa implies a Krama equivalent [x] sêpuh;
under amba, [x] ciyut-e implies a Krama equivalent wiyar ciyut-ipun;
under banyu, kaya [x] karo lênga implies a Krama equivalent kados toya kalihan lisah.

4.7. Cross References

Cros references to another entry in its entirety are to the root (citation) form. Cros references to a derived form of a root are shown by setting off the root from its affixed portion(s) with raised dots:

under wayang^a, see also P(A)-RINGGIIT-AN means: see ringgit, subentry p(a)-[x]-an;

under sumbrubud, see S-UM-RUBUD means: see srubud, infixed subentry s-um-rubud.

Reference to a phrase is to the appropriate part of the first member, e.g.:

under nun, shf of KULA NUWUN is a reference to kula, phrase section at the end of the definition, [x] nuwun;

under ngarsaji, contracted form of NG-ARSA AJI is a reference to arsa, subentry ng-[x], phrase.

Cross reference entries saying that the word is a variant of some other word should be assumed to have the same forms (morphophonemically adjusted if necessary) and meanings as the word they are referred to. For example, the material under walês applies also to balês as a variant of it; the prefixes will be attached differently with balês. Basèh, as a variant of basik, has the form m-bosah-basèh.

4.8. Examples

Many glossed forms in the dictionary are followed by examples, which are designed to serve a variety of purposes. For one thing, they provide an opportunity to show the spelled out versions of the subentry shorthand notations (described in the foregoing sections) which we have adopted for the dual purpose of saving space and revealing the structure of derived forms clearly.

For another thing, examples show words in their natural setting, i.e. a context, and hence broaden or clarify the semantic range of a forms in a way that a bare glossing cannot do. Futher, examples can show other words that are commonly used in conjunction with the word under definition-a feature that many students of languages find helpful. (In Javanese, these other words are often Indonesian!) We have attempted as often as possible to provide examples which give glimpses into Javanese life and ways of thinking.

The fact is, truly helpful examples are hard to find. Linguistic contexts extend far beyond the brief phrase or sentence. Many examples that are short enough for the space available in a dictionary are unnatural, simple minded, or textbook like, or else they are parts of larger contexts in which they function smoothly but, once excised, become meaningless or alter their meaning or sound incomplete or puzzling. Elicited examples, on the other hand, generally provide less insight than examples in which the speaker or writer was not aware that he was making an example of the word.

4.9. Glossings and Translations

As a general principle we give literal glossings of cited forms for the sake of precision, and free translations of examples for the sake of naturalness. Javanese and English often use quite different

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grammatical structures to express more or less the same thing, and free translations give the reader the chance to examine the Javanese structure for himself a practice that ought (incidentally) to help along his spoken Javanese.

Passive glosses are not given specifically in citations in the ^mng/di- form. Under dêlêng, for example, n/di-[x] 'to look at' implies both the active form ndêlêng 'to look at' and the passive form didêlêng 'to be looked at by someone.' Once in a while a passive form has an unpredictable meaning, different from a simple rewording of the active gloss, and then it is listed and glossed separately (and alphabetized under di-).

Passive forms in example sentences are most often translated as active, e.g.: Aku diantêm Slamêt 'Slamet hit me' (rather than 'I was hit by Slamet'). English and Javanese passives operate on different principles, and the English active is the more literal rendering in nearly all cases.

We gloss Javanese adjectives with English adjectives, though in sentences English structure often calls for flexibility in translation:

wit DHUWUR : a TALL tree
Bocahe PINTÊR : The child IS SMART
SRÊGÊP nyambut gawe : He works INDUSTRIOUSLY
Sêpira SUWENE : How long does it take (literally, How much is ITS LENGTH OF TIME)?
CÊKAK-E, akèh bangêt : TO PUT IT BRIEFLY, there were a great many of them
BÊCIKE dibalèkake bae : You'd better give it back (literally, THE GOOD THING [is that] it be given back).

There are untranslatable words in any language, denoting things and concepts that are unique to the culture or deeply a part of the national ethos. When words like this appear n dictionary examples, they have to be translated; but the reader is alerted to the inadequacy of such glossings as 'ceremony' for slamêt-an, 'veranda' or 'hall' for pêndhapa, and so on, and we apologize for clumsy phrases like 'rice accompanying dishes' for lawuh.

5. SOCIAL STYLES

5.1. Social Implications

The vast majority of Javanese words are neutral with respect to social connotation. But a thousand or so of the most commonly used words in the language are restricted to particular situations defined by the relationship between speakers and the people they are talking about. For each item with built-in social limitations there is at least one other item with the same denotative meaning but complementary social implications. Thus aku 'I' and kowe 'you,' which are neutral (Ngok) words, have the formal (Krama) counterparts kula and pênjênêngan. Aku and kowe denote 'I' and 'you' and connote informality; kula and pênjênêngan mean 'I' and 'you' while implying a formal or somewhat distant relationship between the speakers.[32]

5.2. Basic Categories

The basic style is Ngoko (abbreviated here as ng): there is a Ngoko word for everything, and the Ngoko lexicon is numbered in the tens of thousands. The formal style, Krama (kr), is the

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second largest category, having around 850 lexical items. In a Krama-speaking situation, one replaces the neutral (Ngoko) lexicon with Krama vocabulary items when they are available.[33]Between Ngoko and Krama is a middle style, Madya (md), with about 35 items of its own and characterized otherwise by the use of Krama words (where available) and Ngoko affixes.

5.3. High Krama and Humble Krama

Regerdless of which basic style one is using, he draws on a small (around 260-item) Krama Inggil (ki) or High Krama vocabulary to show special honor to the person he applies them to. Two schoolboys jabbering in Ngoko about a classmate getting mad would say nêsu 'angry,' but of the (respected) teacher losing his temper, they would use the ki word duka 'angry' (while still speaking in Ngoko); two ladies conversing in Krama and wondering to each other what a certain (esteemed) high official is angry about, would also use the ki word duka 'angry' while keeping the rest of their speech Krama. Krama Inggil words denote mostly body parts and everyday actions. The feature that distinguishes their usage is that one does not apply them to oneself.[34]

A small subdivision of ki vocabulary is Krama Andhap (ka), humble Krama Inggil, used when speaking "upward" to an exalted person. The ka vocabulary consists mainly of verbs that take indirect objects (give, say, etc.): thus one gives (with the ka word) "upward" to one's father, a high official, or other social superior, while the father, official, etc. gives (expressed by the ki word) "downward" to someone lower in the social scheme. As contrasted with ki (High Krama), one may-and very often does-apply ka (Humble Krama) words to oneself; expression of selfabnegation is deeply characteristic of the Javanese.

5.4. Usage

In general, the use of Ngoko between Javanese speakers implies absence of formality and absence of need to show special respect, while Krama implies reserve and formality, or, in more intimate usage, respectful regard. Madya is used in situations where Ngoko would be disrespectful or humiliating and Krama would be inappropriately exalted.

5.5. Subdivisions of the Three Basic Categories

Further refinements are possible through subdivisions of each major category, as follows.

NGOKO

Ngoko Lugu: ordinary Ngoko, using Ngoko vocabulary throughout except for Krama Inggil reference terms where appropriate.

Ngoko Andhap: humble Ngoko, used for addressing a highly respected person with whom one is on close terms. There are two varieties:

Antya Basa: Ngoko throughout except that the speaker applies Krama Inggil terms to the person he is addressing.

Basa Antya: the same as Antya Basa except a little humbler, having a few Krama words sprinkled in (more or fewer depending on the degree of respect being shown).

MADYA

Madya Krama: middle Krama, using Madya words where they are available, otherwise Krama; Ngoko affixation; and Krama Inggil references where appropriate.

Madya (A)ntara: the same as Madya Krama except that no Krama Inggil references are used.

Madya Ngoko: the same as Madyantara except that a few Ngoko words are sprinkled in-more or fewer depending on how "downward" the person is speaking.

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KRAMA

Mudha Krama: the most refined style of Krama, in which Krama vocabulary is employed throughout (where available) with Krama Inggil references to the addressee.

Krama (A)ntara or Krama Lumrah: ordinary Krama, i.e. the same as Mudha Krama but without the Krama Inggil references.

Wrêdha Krama: A slightly less formal variety of Kramantara, using an occasional Ngoko affix and less exalted pronouns for 'you'-a style used when speaking to someone socially lower but with whom Ngoko would be awkward.

5.6. Irregularities of Correspondence

There is not an altogether on to one correspondence of the lexical items that comprise this system. Some Krama words do double duty, corresponding to more than one Ngoko word. There are certain things which, though they have Ngoko equivalents, are used only in Krama: an example is the phrase Kula nuwun, spoken in lieu of knocking when coming to someone's home. Some expressions (e.g. coarse, abusive terms) are specifically Ngoko rather than neutral. The Krama Inggil vocabulary corresponds even less precisely to the basic vocabulary. Some, like Krama words, do multiple duty. Others shift about: the ki word for 'hand' (Ngoko tangan), for example, gets affixed and serves as the ki equivalent of four or five Ngoko verbs (none related to tangan) refering to various ways of using the hands. Ki references are sometimes oblique, so that they are actually substitutions for Ngoko words rather than equivalents of them.

The Krama equivalents for certain Ngoko words are optional. In present-day usage, for example, lan 'and' is used in both Ngoko and Krama, but kalihan is a specific Krama equivalent of it.

5.7. Shifting Usage

To complicate an already complex system, the categories are not rigidly fixed. Words shift from substandard to standard usage, or move (usually downward) from one level to another.[35] Informants nowadays do not always agree on the social status of words. In the dictionary entries, we use a question mark (?) as a symbol (to be interpreted as "for some speakers") to mark instances of changing usage as evidenced by conflicting statements from Javanese speakers. For example, jarum kr? 'needle' means that to some informants jarum is Krama and to some it is neutral; godhong (ron opt? kr) 'leaf' means that some speakers say either godhong or ron to express 'leaf' in Krama and others use only ron; a word marked sbst? kr is substandard Krama to some speakers and normal Krama to others.

6. DEGREE WORDS

Degree words show relative neraness or remoteness:

Degree I refers to things, space, or time close to the speaker and/or hearer;

Degree II refers to things, space, or time not remote from the speaker and/or hearer but especially things in the immediate context, for example a visual or auditory experience, or something aforementioned;

Degree III refers to remote things, space, or time.

Most of the degree words are formed by combining various initial segments with the following bases:

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Note that the Ngoko words for 'this' (I), 'that' (II), and 'that' (III) resemble the Krama base forms shown above (ika is an old variant of kae). Note also that the Krama forms that are not formed from the bases are undifferentiated with respect to degree.

1. this, that.

2. (in) place: k- plus base (Ngoko), ngr- plus base (Krama).

3. unit of scope: m- plus base (Ngoko).

4. in way/manner: mêngk- plus base (Ngoko).

5. to place: mr- plus base (Ngoko, Krama).

6. in way/manner: ng- plus base (Ngoko).

7. to place: r- plus base (Ngoko, Krama)

8. one unit scope: sêm- plus base (Ngoko).

9. to/from time: sêpr- plus base (Ngoko, Krama).

7. GUIDE TO LOCATION OF VARIANTS

A great many of the words a reader comes across in his Javanese materials and wants to look up in this dictionary will be disguised in various ways, especially by having prefixes attached to

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them, as described in sections 3 and 4 above. Here, we summarize these processes from the opposite point of view: instead of showing how Javanese roots are built up by adding various affixes, we list possible ways of tearing down finished words into their component parts-the process to which the reader will need to subject his Javanese words. Below is an alphabetical index to the beginning portions of roots as they appear in their disguised forms, with clues to guide the reader until he gets into the habit of penetrating disguises automatically.

Some forms may need to be looked up in this list twice. With mêmêdi, for example, after removing the reduplicating syllable mê-, a prefixed form remains-an m that has replaced the w-initial of the root. For pangêdol, after removing the pa- prefix, we must determine that the ngêdol portion is ngê-dol (rather than [x]-ng-kêdol or ng-êdol). With words like amangsuli, anyawang, anuju, etc., after stripping off the a- prefix we still have a nasal prefixed form. For pinariksa, after reading pin- as p- according to the guide list, we must reduce pariksa to priksa.

Some roots are subject to disguise at both ends: e.g. mrèèkake from prèi, mironi from wiru. To cover these, a summary of final sound disguising elements appears after the guide list to initial sound alterations.

Traps and pitfalls remain. There are cases of homonymy brought about by affixation. For example, mêksa is both a commonly occurring root by itself and the active form of pêksa, also very common. The root lesan is homonymous with lès plus suffix -an. Some ambiguities of interpretation (is gêgêman to be interpreted as gê-gêman or gêgêm-an?) can be resolved by trial and eror, but others (is kêbone 'the garden' or 'the kerbau'?) are determined only by context.

A word of caution: after a certain amount of de-affixing, one gets to the point where he sees affixes everywhere, overlooking the fact that some di-'s, kê-'s, pa-'s, -in-'s, nasal consonants, -um-'s, etc. are not affixes but part of a root, as with diwasa, ginêman, kêpala, kumidhi, mamah, ngêrti, nyata, pêniti.

If you still don't find your word after exhausting the possibilities of this list, keep in mind-

1. that l's, r's, and u's (w's) might be infixes (3.1.7);
2. that some reduplication syllables have a vowel other than e (3.1.3);
3. that contiguous vowels may have h spelled between them, or h may drop out between vowels, as in pa(h)it, ta(h)un (2.9.7);
4. that y's, w's, and h's are spelling variants in certain positions (2.9.7);
5. that a may be spelled o (2.9.8);
6. that intensified forms of adjectives may change vowels (3.1.8);
7. that the spelling oe (and usually oo) are modern u (2.9.12, 2.6);
8. that y is a spelling variant of j (2.2);
9. that the Javanese do not always divide compounds into words according to a standardized principle (2.9);
10. that the word may be Indonesian (or Dutch, or from some other language);
11. that the author welcomes comments about lexical items that do not appear in this dictionary!

Alphabetical Guide List to Initial Disguising Elements

The list below shows portions which often appear at the ends of Javanese words and thus may obscure the root form. The suffix -e (ne after vowels), for example, is extremely common (so frequent that it is possible to lose sight of the fact that in some words a -n(e) is not the suffix but part of the root).

As with the initial disguising elements in the foregoing list, a word may end with a combination of elements, so that two portions must be removed to reach the root final sound. Very commonly, for example, -ane is suffic -an plus suffix -e (though it is sometimes suffic -ane).

The morphophonemically altered portions -èkake, -èni, -okake, and -oni occur with high frequency. Now and then, though, a root ends in -èk, -èn, -ok, or -on, and the suffixes attach without alteration. For example, ngêntèkake (ng-êntèk-ake) comes from root êntèk-compare ngêntèni (ng-ênti-ni) from root ênti.

Alphabetical Guide List to Final Disguising Elements

8. SYMBOLS

see also the table of pronunciation-showing diacritics, 2.5, pp. xii-xiii.

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9. ABBREVIATIONS